Paganism

cross-posted from: https://lemmy.ml/post/1977580

Dusares or Dushara, being a mountain God, is also a storm God as is custom in the Ancient Near East, which would give Him a fertility aspect. A parallel can be drawn with Dhu-Ghābat, “He of the thicket”, the supreme God of the Lihyanites, Dushara is in the same way a God of vegetation and fertility. This fertility aspect allowed for the identification of Dushara with Dionysus as God of fertility but the evidence for this is inconclusive. Several ancient writers, including Herodotus from the 5th century BC, Strabo from the 1st century AD, and lexicographer Hesychius from the 5th century AD, all say that the Arabs worshipped Dionysus. Hesychius in particular directly equates Dushara and Dionysus but this is not attested in Nabatean inscriptions. Nor is there any evidence for Dushara being depicted as Dionysus in Petra. The Hauran, which became the center of Arabia Petraea, is known for its agriculture including grapes. Sia', a temple of pilgrimage known from Safaitic inscriptions is full of grape and vine imagery though it was probably a temple to Ba'al Shamin not Dushara nor Dionysus. There are depictions of Dionysus in Petra but none are linked to Dushara. Dushara's identification with Dionysus might have to do with the cult of the dead and resurrection, linking Him with Osiris. It's interesting to note that Dushara's consort Al-'Uzza was associated with Osiris's consort, Isis. More on this later.

Dushara as supreme storm God was more often compared with Zeus. His assimilation with Zeus seems natural as both are the respective heads of Their pantheons and are storm Gods. Evidence for this pairing can be found on a 1st century BC bilingual inscription from Miletus, Greece at the temple of Apollo: "Syllaeus, brother of the king, on behalf of king Obodas, dedicated to Zeus Dusares Soter (Savior)." Another inscription in the island of Delos mentions Zeus Dusares. Eagle and lion imagery in His temples might show a link with Zeus-Hadad though this can also imply a solar aspect, power or protection without a direct link to Zeus. Dushara was called Zeus Hypsistos in Petra and this title was also given to Ba'al Shamin in Palmyra, another supreme storm God, though this does not mean that Dushara is Ba'al Shamin. The cult of Zeus Hypsistos was widespread and could be attached to the local supreme God of many places. One coin depicts a deity's bust above thunderbolts and thunderbolts are found in many temples though not directly linked to Zeus nor Dushara. Another coin has a bull on the obverse side which might suggest a link with Zeus-Hadad but this is local money and it probably doesn't refer to a deity in Syria. It rather expresses the fertility aspect of Dushara. An altar dedicated to Zeus Hagios was found on the northern bank of Gaia, today Wadi Musa, opposite the Temenos of Dushara's temple (Qaṣr al-Bint) and there's another one in Siq. There is also a terracotta relief of Zeus Ammon found at the Temple of the Winged Lions.

As Lord of Heaven with solar features Dushara could be associated with Helios. This goes back to Strabo (or rather his informer Athenodoros) informing us that the Nabataeans "worship the sun, building an altar on the top of the house (or temple?), and pouring libations on it daily and burning frankincense." The presence of eagles in many temples might imply solar imagery and the epithets of Dushara include aspects of Sol Invictus like one from Suwayda set up by a priest of Dushara which honors Him with the title aniketos (invincible), an epithet normally reserved for Sol Invictus. In Hegra an inscription describes a God "who separates night from day," which might refer to Dushara. If it does it might mean Dushara is a creator God. Solar deities were common throughout the Near East such as Elagabal of Emesa and Heliopolitanus of Baalbek. Palmyra had three distinct solar Gods, Shamash, Yarhibol and Malakbel. Either Elegabal or one of the Palmyran Gods became Sol Invictus though scholars are in disagreement as to which one. In Petra there are approximately 15 to 19 high places, many of which may be associated with the worship of Dushara, based on the presence of betyls and the simplicity of architecture atop each space. These could also link Dushara to the sun. If Helios was assimilated with any deity in Nabataea it would've been Dushara but there's no direct link. There are depictions of Helios in Petra, like there are of Dionysus, but usually as part of façades with other Olympian Gods or as part of the 7 classical planets without any association with Dushara. Dushara definitely has solar features but as Lord of Heaven and not as a sun God in a triad with a moon deity and Venusian deity as seen in Duma and Tayma.>

I'm having a very laid back celebration today, and am going to see the 50th anniversary release of The Wicker Man on Friday. Is anyone else doing anything?

(Another time I would just lurk around, but Lemmy needs content so I participe actively.)

Hi,
while adhering naturalistic worldview, I've been finding my way to paganism last year. I'm still figuring it out, I only know I have to venerate Earth, Water and the others.
I also find attractive to follow some parts of graeco-roman religion, but this is (for me) even more difficult task.

I hope this place would become a pleasant living community.

With the aim of stimulating discussion if there is anyone here...

With the solstice approaching, does anyone have any plans to celebrate?

I have very recently moved and although we now have a sizable garden surrounded by woodland and eminently suited to outdoor celebrations etc, anything that we are going to do this time will be pretty low-key - since we are still unpacking and generally recovering. We will have a fire of some kind - either outdoors or in the hearth that we now have indoors - I'm going to watch the sunrise and maybe we will plant the first thing in our garden: there is a pot of meadowsweet waiting.

In one Safaitic inscription the author petitions two deities for security and the protection of those who read and invoke his text. One deity is familiar to us, Allāt, the most commonly invoked deity. She is called upon beside another god, a unique deity named 'ḥd (احد), meaning "one." While writers often invoke Allāt alongside other gods, especially Ḏušarē, which many scholars regard as Her consort, it would be odd to use 'ḥd as an epithet for Him since He's never referred to as such or any epithet for that matter. There's also no evidence from the Nabataean tradition that He was given such a title, or that oneness was a characteristic associated with Him. In Deuteronomy 6:4 Yahweh is also given the attribute of "One," "Hear, O Israel: The Lord our God, the Lord is one." And in Verse 112:1 "Say, “He is Allah - One." But it's not unheard of to see "One" used as an epithet in pagan contexts. In one Palmyrene inscription we see an invocation to a deity called mrn 'ḥd "our lord, [who is] one", dated to 159 AD. This is an Aramaic rendition of the Greek εἷς θεός (one God), which was popular in the first few centuries AD. εἷς θεός was originally an epithet of a Pagan sect, appearing in the 2nd century AD. So is this a Hellenistic divine epithet rendered in Aramaic and Arabic, or the influence of Jewish monotheism on neighbouring Paganism?

The nomads of Arabia traded, travelled to and from, and conducted raids against Palmyra. These interactions would have provided the opportunity for a Hellenistic divine epithet to transfer to Old Arabic. At the same time, there is also evidence of contact between Arab nomads and Jews but no evidence for the existence of Jewish nomadic tribes in the area. But the fact that our author invokes 'ḥd beside Allāt stops us from regarding this text as a monotheistic Jewish inscription. The polytheistic climate of the region meant that anyone could seek favour from any source, both local and outside deities. Most deities are Arabian; Allāt, Roṣ ́aw/y, YayṯeꜤ, Allāh, etc. Other gods are from neighbouring peoples. Nabataean deities are also popular, such as Dhul-Shara and ShayꜤhaqqawm. It was common to invoke many gods, including foreign ones, so an invocation could be heard widely. So it seems most likely that our author was invoking a Palmyran deity, either borrowing the divine epithet εἷς θεός directly into Arabic or taking it from Aramaic.

Source:

The 'One' God in a Safaitic Inscription

Introduction

Tayma was an important trade and religious center in North Arabia which attained prominence during the reign of king Nabonidus, the last king of the Neo-Babylonian Empire, during the 6th century BCE. Nabonidus lived there for ten years and ruled over a vast tract of desert extending from Tayma to Yathrib dotted with oases. He settled colonies of Babylonians in these oasis after fighting, then making peace with some unknown Arabian tribes. The Babylonians brought Aramean deities to the oasis as attested in this Aramaic Stele: "in the 22nd year … ' [in Taym]a, Ṣalm of Mahram and Shingala and Ashima*, the gods of Tayma, to* Ṣalm of [Hajam] . . appointed him on this day [in Tay]ma which … therefore … which Ṣalm-shezeb, son of Pet-osiri, set up [in the temple of S]alm of Hajam, therefore the Gods of "Tayma ma[de gra]nts to Ṣalm-shezeb, son of Pet-osiri, and to his seed in the temple of Ṣalm of Hajam. And any man who shall destroy this pillar, may the Gods of Tayma pluck out him and his seed and his name from before Tayma! And this is the grant which Ṣalm of Mahram and Shingala and Ashima, the gods of Tayma, have g[iven] to Ṣalm of Hajam … from the field 16 palms, and from the treasure of the king 5 palms, in all 21 palms year by year. And neither Gods nor men shall bri[ng out] Ṣalm-shezeb, son of Pet-osiri, from this temple, neither his se[ed] nor his name, who are prie[sts in] this temple [forever]." - Ṣalm-shezeb the priest.

The inscription records how a new deity, Ṣalm of Hajam, was introduced into Tayma by the priest Ṣalm-shezeb, who further provided an endowment for the new temple, and founded a hereditary priesthood. On one side of the stone the god Ṣalm of Hajam is represented in Assyrian fashion, and below him a priest stands before an altar. The name of the priest, Ṣalm-shezeb, means ”(the God) Ṣalm has saved” or ”Ṣalm saves (me)," an Aramaic name. The name of the priest's father is Egyptian, Pet-Osiri meaning "he whom Osiris gave." Tayma was at the crossroads for the caravans going to Egypt or Mesopotamia which made it an obligatory stop for travelers. And thus, like other oasis-caravan cities such as Palmyra, Tayma had a cosmopolitan character. Though this doesn't necessarily mean that his father was Egyptian as names don't always indicate ethnicity. We know that in Egypt Aramaeans gave their children Egyptian names and in the Greco-Roman period Arabs in Egypt would do this as well.

Deities

The chief God of Tayma was Ṣalm of Mahram. The word ṣalm is cognate with the Arabic صنم which today means idol/image but it could also mean "the strong one." Another explanation is that it is connected to the Arabic ẓalām ظلام (dark) and the Assyrian kakkabu dhalmu, the planet Saturn. Mahram is a place name apparently preserved in the Arabic Mahramah محرمة near Jebel Selma, close to Tayma. The word means holy place/sacred area. C. J. Gadd has compared the Tayma cube with steles found in Harran with astronomical symbols (the star of Ishtar-Venus, the winged disc of the sun God Shamash and the crescent of the moon God Sin). It is in Harran that we find many theophoric names with Salmu. A deity named Salmu is attested in many Aramaic inscriptions elsewhere and in Assyrian deity lists. This Ṣalmu might be the same one in Tayma where we also find the emblem of the sun God, the winged disk. It appears at the top left of the Tayma cube hovering above a humanoid figure. According to Gadd, the figure on the Tayma cube would be Ṣalm of Hajam being received by the Gods of Tayma, while the disk would be Salm of Mahram.

It is more likely that Ṣalm is represented by the bull-head altar since bullheads are frequently found with inscriptions mentioning Ṣalm, suggesting that Ṣalm was a lunar deity. This might be why Nabonidus was so interested in Tayma, he was a devotee of the moon God Sin and relocated to a city that was the center of moon God worship. The issue is that the inscriptions with bull-heads don't mention which Ṣalm they are referring to and the bull-heads themselves have solar disks between the horns anyway. Regardless, the fact that we have terms such as Ṣalm of Mahram and Ṣalm of Hajam indicate that Ṣalm was believed to be a tutelary deity of a given locality like the gny' (jinn) in Palmyra. In Palmyra there were many jinn who acted as tutelary deities of villages, settlements, encampments, orchards and tribes. Deities being "of" places is not unheard of in North Arabian, South Arabian and Aramaic, the most famous example being the Nabatean Dushara (of Shara). Ṣalm of Hajam, who was being introduced to Tayma in the inscription, might have come from Al-Hajam الهجم in Yemen. Another deity, Ṣalm of rb, also had a temple in Tayma. Inscriptions found in Najran and Jordan also record the deity Ṣalm. When Tayma waged war against Dedan or the Nabateans it was Ṣalm who lead these wars. Inscriptions mention nsr lslm (supported/aided Ṣalm) similar to the Quranic nasara نصر. Salm is found in many theophoric names such as *ṣlmd' "*Ṣalm has known," ṣlm'l "Ṣalm is God," and ṣlmškr "Ṣalm has been thanked."

The second deity mentioned is Šingala. Like Ṣalm, Šingala is found in many Aramaic theophoric names like Saggildaa "Saggil is judge" or Tab-Sagal "Saggil is good." Over the years there have been many explanation for the name Shingala. One suggestion is that it might be connected with the Goddess Shigal mentioned in Late Syriac sources like the lexicon of Bar Bahlul which claims She is the Chaldean equivalent of Aphrodite. Another is that it might be a compound of the Akkadian moon God Sin and some other word. Perhaps the Sumerian word gal which means "great," "the great Sin," or maybe it is Sin-egalla’ "Sin of the palace," or Sin-gly "Sin uncovers." Many more suggestions have been offered by various scholars, none truly satisfactory. Shingala or variants of it don't appear in any Akkadian deity lists. The best explanation we have is that Shingala is a compound of Shinga and El meaning "the great God" or "El is great." Such divine names are often found in Semitic deities such as the Amorite Yakrubel and the Hebrew El Shaddai. Sadly this doesn't tell us much about the nature or personality of this deity but Shingala is most likely a lunar deity.

Ašima doesn't show up in any cuneiform texts unless we accept the identification with Ishum, an Akkadian God who acts as a divine night watchman, tasked with protecting houses at night, and also associated with various underworld deities, especially Nergal and Shubula. Ašima was first incorrectly read as Ashira, a mother Goddess who appears in a number of ancient sources including South Arabian inscriptions. Ašima is found in Aramaic texts in Egypt in the compound name ’šmbyt’l "Ashima's baetyl." In the Hebrew Bible we find a mention of Ashima being worshipped by the people of Hamat 2 Kings 17:30 The men of Babylon made Succoth Benoth, and the men of Cuth made Nergal, and the men of Hamath made Ashima. Like the previous deities, Ashima shows up in Aramaic personal names such as 'šmzbd "Ashima has given." Ashima comes from the root word 'šm or اسم in Arabic, meaning "name." As far as we know, Ashima is a Goddess, thus completing the Sun, Moon and Venus triad with Ashima as Venus, Ṣalm as the Sun and Shingala as the Moon. A similar triad is found in Dumat, another caravan city in Arabia. All the Taymanitic deities mentioned so far seem to be Aramean in origin and were first attested in North Syria before they show up in Tayma.

When Nabonidus made Tayma his home, he introduced the worship of many Akkadian deities including Nabu, patron God of literacy, the rational arts, scribes, and wisdom, His consort Tashmetu, Marduk, patron deity of the city of Babylon, Nanaya, a Goddess of love, closely associated with Inanna/Ishtar. These deities may have influenced or been transformed into Nabatean deities mentioned in the Greco-Roman period such as Al-Kutbay, a God of scribes like Nabu and Allāt and Alʿuzza may have been influenced by Nanaya. Ishtar, goddess of love, war, and fertility, is also mentioned in cuneiform fragments found in Tayma and Her cult has long been connected to those of Allāt and Alʿuzza, all three are considered Venusian deities. The Mesopotamian empires eventually succumbed to the Achaemenid Empire and its during this period that we start hearing about what are usually considered Arabian deities proper, though invoked in Imperial Aramaic, the lingua franca of the region. Salm continues to be worshipped but we start hearing about deities such as Manafu, known as Manaf in Islamic sources, attested in the Hauran as Zeus Manaphos and even mentioned in Palmyra with Tammuz. The Goddess Manawatu, commonly known as Manāt, also shows up in this period. The Nabateans and Lihyanites fought over Tayma though this doesn't seem to have affected it's pantheon.

Neo-Babylonian Period

• Ṣalm/Ṣalam: A tutelary solar deity associated with the sun disk and bull
• Šingala/Šangila: Likely a lunar deity
• Ašima: A Venusian Goddess *Nabu: God of writing and wisdom. His name means "to prophesize"
• Tašmetu/Tašmetum: Consort of Nabu. Her name means “the lady who listens”
• Marduk: God of Babylon astrologically associated with the planet Jupiter
• Nanaya: Goddess of love associated with eroticism and sensuality
• Ištar: Goddess of war and love associated with beauty, sex, divine justice, and political power

Persian Period

• Ṣalm/Ṣalam: This tutelary solar deity continues to be worshipped in this period
• Manafu/Manaf: A God equated with Zeus in the Hauran
• Manawatu/Manawat/Manat: Goddess of time, fate, fortune, destiny and death

أورانيا، المتغنى بها، أفروديتي الضحوكة، وليدة البحر، رافدة النشء، صديقة ليالي السمر، ربة الزواج، مُقْرِنة، أُم الحاجة، بارعة؛ فكل شيء منك و الكوزموس متناغم بنيرك؛ وضعتي مراسيم المويرات الثلاث، يا أُس كل شيء، كل ما في السماوات و ما في الأرضين المثمرة، و ما في أعماق البحار، يا جليسة باخوس المقدسة.

مبتهجة بالإحتفالات، والدة الإيروتيس، جميلة و مدللة، مُقْنِعةٌ، بليغةٌ، كتومةٌ، هيفاءٌ أنتي… أيتها الملكة المُبهِجة. بديهية مع ذلك خفية، ابنةُ أبٍ نبيل، ذات شعر جميل زيجية، رفيقة الوليمة، عسقلةٌ، حَبْوك الآلهةُ صولجان.

واهبة الذرية، محبة البشر، معشوقة، معطية الحيوان؛ تُقرني الفانين في رغبةٍ جامحةٍ مطلقة العنان، و كافة الوحوش، هائمة من طلاوة حبك الفتّان.

تعالي يا ابنة قبرص، أيتها الإلهة الملكية، سواء كنت في أوليمبوس، مبتهجة بِطَلَّتك البهية، أم على عرشك في سوريا باللبان غنية، أم عابرة السهول في سيارتك الذهبية، أم مع كهنتك عند نهر مصر الثرية، أم على يختك تجره البجع على مياه البحر اللازوردية، تسعدك جوقات الولدان و هم في دوائر يرقصون أو مستمتعة برفقة الحوريات سوداوات العيون أثناء وثبهن بخفة على شواطئ البحر الرملية.

أو حين إستواءك على عرشك في قبرص، يا ملكتي، حيث تغني لك العذراوات و الحوريات البِكر الجميلات، ولأدونيس القدّيس الخالد، طيلة العام أيتها السعيدة.

تعالي، أيتها الإلهة المباركة العبهرة الحسناء، فأنا أدعوكِ بكلماتٍ وَقرِة و روحٍ وَرِعة.

So have you considered Allāt and Al’uzza? And Manāt, the third - the other one? - Quran 53:19-20. Well, let us consider Manāt, then. The earliest Quranic codices spell Manat as mnwt which is the same spelling we find in the Nabataean, Latin and Palmyrene forms of the name instead of mnāt which would correspond to the Classical Arabic pronunciation of the name. She is understood as a Goddess of fate and time so before we begin we must understand how ancient Arabs understood fate and time.

Manāyā and Dahr

There is time as we use the word today (زمن zamān - وقت waqt) and time as a symbol of life and death. Time is the determining factor of fate in pre-Islamic poetry and is not itself determined by some other power. Although time and fate are conceptually different, they are closely bound as seen in the multitude of terms used by Arab poets with dual meaning such as dahr (دهر), zamān (زمن era) and ayyām (أيام days) used for expressing reversals of fortune. The word dahr is used the most, and although it's usually translated as eternity, dahr simply means a long time. Dahr could also mean nāzila (نازلة mischief from the heavens, literally, "coming down") and one would attribute their misfortune to dahr. The oracle Satih, who interpreted a dream for the Yemeni king Rabia, said: "Time (dahr) sometimes is misfortune (dahārīr)".

Then there's manāyā (منايا destiny) which is more about individual fate or the preordained death of each individual while dahr or zamān is universal fate, or the impersonal fate of everyone. Dahr is fate-as-time that changes and wears things down while manāyā is fate-as-death. In poetry, manāyā is presented as a ruthless force that dooms humans, its indiscriminate and inevitable. From Zuhayr's Mu'allaqa:

I regard Fate like the blows of a nearly blind she-camel, whomsoever it strikes, dies but whom it misses, lives on and ages.

Fate worries people and the occasions of relief are few and fleeting. This mood is captured well by the poet 'Adi ibn Zayd who said:

They lived a good life for a time, trusting restfully in their lot.

Then Fate turned against them in the same manner that it destroys mountains.

Thus Fate fires at the man in quest of livelihood circumstance after circumstance.

In the Greek tradition destiny was represented as a thread spun from a spindle while in ancient Arab poetry we also see the archetype of rope connected to destiny. Again from Zuhayr:

And whosoever fears the ropes of Fate will nevertheless be ensnared by them, even if one manages to ascend the courses of heaven with a ladder.

The poet Ṭarafa bin al-‘Abd stressed that human beings are linked to fate-as-death by rope. It cannot be bargained or reasoned with:

By your life, swear that Death, so long as he misses a strong man, is surely as the loosened halter, both folded ends of which are in the hands of the owner of the animal.

So that, if he wishes, on any day, he leads him off his life by his reins. And he who is tied by the rope of death, will have to submit.

And in the Mu‘allaqa of 'Imru’ al-Qays, we see the Pleiades star cluster, al-Thurayyā in Arabic, tied by hemp ropes to the top of a rock:

Oh long night, dawn will come, but will be no brighter without my love. You are a wonder, with its stars held up as by ropes of hemp to a solid rock.

The Pleiades also shows up in a poem by Abīd ibn al-’Abras who mentioned “the Pleiades bringing evil fortune and good”:

And there shall surely come after me generations unnumbered, That shall pasture the precipices of Aikah and Ladud

And the Sun shall rise, and the night shall eclipse it, And the Pleiades shall circle bringing evil fortune and good

Related practices appeared in Arabia. People used rope to protect themselves from the evil eye. One poet’s parents were afraid the evil eye would harm him, so they took him to a sheikh (elder), who tied rope to his arm as an amulet. For this reason, the poet earned the nick-name Dhul-Rumma, (owner of rope). Some believed practitioners of witchcraft tied knots into rope to harm people. The traces of this art are reflected in the Quran where the believer seeks refuge “from the evil of the witches who blow into knots” (Q 113:4). The tradition says that the verses were revealed to Muhammad after magic was worked into his hair using a cord with knots, concealed under a stone at the bottom of a well. Another metaphor of Fate is the arrow, launched at unwitting victims like in the elegy of Rabīʿah bin Mukaddam:

But the arrows of Fate, whomsoever they strike, no medicine man nor sorcerer can avail.

And Labid's Mu'allaqa:

Indeed, Fate’s arrows never miss their mark.

Kahins (oracles/seers) would use bows to symbolically catch and shoot these arrows. Looking at the examples above, ancient Arabs were far from revering dahr or manāyā as divine. Due to the mortal fear of desert life, sudden misfortune, and the uncertainty of the future, they imagined this power in their poetry to be pretty hostile and viewed it negatively. A few centuries earlier we find the term rġm mny in Safaitic inscriptions always in a funerary context as an expression of grief for the deceased. The dead were "struck down" (raġām or raġm) by fate. The appearance of fate in these funerary contexts suggests that the force was regarded much in the same way as in the pre-Islamic poems; it was the ultimate cause of death. Many prayers request escape from the manifestations of fate: misfortune and adversity. There is no need to exhaust the examples given in Al-Jallad's work on Safaitic religion in the section titled Fate.

There are no prayers to manāyā itself, nor are there any attempts to appease it. This absence suggests that Safaitic authors regarded it, much like pre-Islamic poets, as blind and cold, unresponsive to invocations and indifferent to offerings. While a number of authors called out to the Gods to be saved from manāyā, one text illustrates the limitations of divine intervention and echoes the later stoicism of pre-Islamic poets. Fate may be avoided, but ultimately it prevails and everyone meets their death:

He stopped again while going to water and remembered the dead and grieved, so O Allāt, grant long life to your righteous worshipper and protect [him] but from death there is no deliverance.

Indeed, the only solution is stoic acceptance as seen in a verse from the Muffaddaliyat:

And of a truth I know and there is no averting it that I am destined to be the sport of Fate; but dost thou see me wailing thereat?

and the adoption of a hedonistic attitude towards mortality as Ṭarafa said:

By your life, the time is not, except borrowed; so provision yourself with what you can from the goodness of it.

مُوزَي، أخبريني عن صنائع (أو أعمال أو حسنات) الذهبية أفروديتي القبرصية (أو من قبرص)، التي تثير شغف حلو في الآلهة و تُخضع قبائل البشر و الطيور المحلقة في السماء و كل الكائنات التي تعيش على الأرض و في البحر. كلهم يعلمون بصنائع كثيريا ذات الإكليل الجميل. إلا أن هناك ثلاثة قلوب (أو عقول) لم تخنع لها و لا يمكنها إقناعها أو خداعها: الأولى هي إبنة زيوس ذات اﻷيجيس (أو الأيغيس)، أثينا ذات العينان الساطعتان. حيث أنها لا تجد أي متعة في صنائع الذهبية أفروديتي. بل ما يسعدها هو الحرب و صنائع أريس، في النزاعات و المعارك و في صنع القطع الحرفية المتقنة. فهي كانت أول من علم البشر صناعة عربات الحرب و السيارات المطرزة بـ الأَيَارُ (أو المَرْشَبُ أي البرونز)، و هي كذلك تعلم العذارى في بيوتهن مهارة صنع روائع من الحرف اليدوية، و ترسيخها في ذهن كل منهن. الثانية التي لم تقدر افروديتي محبة الضحك على ترويضها هي أرتيميس ذات القضبان الذهبية. فمتعتها في الأقواس و السهام (الرماية)، و صيد الوحوش البرية في الجبال، و كذلك اللير (آلة موسيقية)، الرقص و صراخات الفرح الصاخبة و الغابات المظللة و مدن ديكايوي (أي ذوي الأخلاق الحميدة).

الثالثة الغير مهتمة بصنائع أفروديتي هي هيستيا، أولى وليدات كرونوس و الأخيرة و الأقل سنًا كذلك، عبر إرادة زيوس ذو الأيغيس. عروس ملكية رغبا في زوجها فوسيدون (بوسيدون) و أفولون (أبولو). إلا إنها أبت و بإصرار رفضت. أقسمت حين لمسها رأس أبيها زيوس ذو الأيغيس أنها ستبقى عذراء إلى الأبد. لذا زيوس الأب أعطاها شرف عظيم عوضًا عن الزواج، و هي تتبوء مكانها في مركز القصر و لها أكبر نصيب من القسمة. في جميع معابد الآلهة لها نصيب من الشرف ، ومن بين جميع البشر الفانين هي رئيسة الآلهة.

هؤلاء هن [الآلهات] الثلاث التي لم تستطع [أفروديتي] إقناعهن. أما البقية فلم يخلصوا من سلطان أفروديتي، لا أي من الآلهة المباركة ولا أي من البشر الفانين.

فهي حتى أغوت قلب زيوس محب الرعد، كبير الآلهة ذو أعلى جلالة. تخدع حتى قلبه الحكيم متى شاءت، و بسهولة تزاوجه مع الفانيات، دون علم هيرا أخته و زوجته، التي لا يضاهي جمالها أي من الآلهات. كانت أجمل تلك التي أنجبها الكائد (أو المراوغ أو الماكر أو المخادع أو الخبيث) كرونوس مع والدتها ريا: وزيوس، ذو الحكمة الأزلية، جعلها زوجته العفيفة الحريصة. إلا أن زيوس ألقى على أفروديتي نفسها رغبة غامرة في مزاوجة بشر، حتى لا تتفوق على بقية الآلهة و لا تبقى بريئة من حب الفانين تعايرهم به، كي لا تتبسم أفروديتي محبة الضحك يومًا و تتباهى بإيقاع غيرها من الآلهة في حب الفانيات وإنجاب أبناء فانين لأباء أبديون و إيقاع الآلهات في حب البشر.

فوضع زيوس في قلب أفروديتي رغبة جامحة تتوق لـ آنخیسس. في ذلك الحين آنخیسس كان يرعى الماشية على قمم جبل إدا المنحدرة الشهير بينابيعه الكثيرة. أن ترى هيئته و شكله كأنك تنظر إلى الأبديين. عندما رأته عندما رأته أفروديتي محبة التبسم (أو الابتسامات) وقعت في حبه. رغبة شديدة (أو فظيعة) تملكت قلبها (أو عقلها). فاتجهت إلى قبرص و دخلت معبدها الطيب (أو الطاهر) في پافوس، هناك حماها المحرم و مذبحها العطر بالبخور. دخلت و أغلقت الأبواب البراقة (أو اللامعة). و من ثم قمن الكاريتات (إلهات الحسن أو الحسناوات) بغسلها و دهنها بأفضل الزيوت و العطور السماوية الأبدية التي لا يزول بريقها و عطرها عن الآلهة الخالدة.

أرتدت أفروديتي المتبسمة ملابسها الفاخرة و تحلت بالذهب. تركت قبرص الطيبة و أسرعت إلى طروادة، محلقة بسرعة بين الغيوم. وصلت إلى جبل إدا عديد الينابيع و أم الوحوش، و اتجهت مباشرة إلى بلاد الراعي فوق الجبل. تتبعها ذئاب رمادية و ضراغم تلهث خلفها، و دببة و نمور رشيقة لا تجد ملئها من الغزلان، تبعتها. شعرت بسعادة في قلبها لرؤيتهم، و وضعت رغبة حيث قلوبهم كانت (أو في صدورهم). فطفقوا بالتزواج، كل زوج معًا، في الزوايا (أو الخشاخيش) المظللة. في ذلك الحين وصلت إلى البيوت المشيدة بإتقان و وجدت آنخیسس وحده في بلاد الراعي، ذلك البطل آنخیسس الذي كان بصورة الآلهة. كل الرعاة كانوا مع قطعانهم يرعون على المروج (أو المراعي) الخضراء، بينما كان وحده في بيت الراعي، سارحًا مارحًا عازفًا على اللير أنغامًا ساحرة. بدت أفروديتي ابنة زيوس أمامه كأنها فتاة بكر في قامتها و مظهرها، لم تود أن يلاحظها و ترعبه. توجس خيفة آنخیسس فتفحص قامتها و ملامحها و رداءها البراق. فهي كانت مكتسية ثوب من ذهب و مزين بأجمل التطاريز التي لمعت كالقمر على نهديها الناعمين (أو اللينين أو الرقيقين). هي كذلك تحلت بالبروش الملفوفات و الأقراط اللامعة زهرية الشكل و بقلادات على نحرها الناعم.

تملك الحب آنخیسس فقال لها: "التبجيل لك يا سيدتي، يا من أتيتي إلى هذا المنزل، أيًا من المباركات كنت، أرتميس أو ليتو أو أفروديتي الذهبية أو ثيميس نبيلة النشء أو أثينا ذات العيون الساطعة. أو ربما كنت أحد الكاريتات، يا من أتيت إلى هنا. هن اللاتي يرافقن كل الآلهة ويطلق عليهن اسم الخالدات. أو ربما أنت أحد الحوريات اللاتي يَسْكُنَّ الغابات الساحرة، أو إحدى تلك الحوريات اللاتي يقطن هذا الجبل الجميل، ومنابع الأنهار والمروج العشبية. سأنصب لك مذبح على قمة عالية ترى من بعيد، و سأقدم لك أفخر القرابين كلما دارت السنة و حانت المواسم. و أدعي أن تلطفي بي و أن تجعليني ذو جاه و مكانة بين الطرواد و هبيني ذرية قوية و عظيمة من بعدي. و ارزقيني عمرا طويلا و سعيدا و أن أصل إلى آخر العمر مزدهراً و محاطاً بالناس". من ثم أجابته أفروديتي بنت زيوس: "آنخیسس، يا أعظم رجال الأرض! أنا لست بإلهة. لماذا تشبهني بالخالدات؟ لا، أنا فانية. أمي التي ولدتني كانت إمرأة. أبي هو أوتريوس ذائع الصيت. لربما سمعت به؟ هو يحكم كل فريجيا بحصونها الكثيرة قوية الجدران. لكنني أعرف لغتك كما أعرف لغتي. المرضعة التي ربتني في القصر كانت طروادية. منذ طفولتي أخذتني من أمي الحبيبة و ربتني، و هكذا أعرف لغتك كما أعرف لغتي. ولكن بعد ذلك، اختطفني هيرميز ذو العصا الذهبية و قاتل أرغوس (آرجوس بانوبتس)، وأخذني من مهرجان الغناء والرقص تكريما للإلهة الصيادة أرتميس، ذات الأسهم الذهبية. كان هناك العديد منا يلعبن معًا: حوريات، و عذارى مهرهن الكثير من المواشي. كنا نقضي وقتًا ممتعًا، وقد طوّقنا حشد كبير لا يُحصى، ومن بينهم أخذني قاتل أرغوس ذو العصا الذهبية. لقد حملني عبر العديد من حقول البشر الفانين و عبر مساحات شاسعة من الأراضي غير المحروثة وغير المأهولة، حيث تتجول الوحوش البرية، آكلة اللحم النيئ، داخل وخارج مخابئهم المظللة. حتى ظننت أن قدماي لن تلمس الأرض واهبة الحياة (أو منبتة الحبوب) مرة أخرى. وقال لي هيرميز أنني سأشاركك سريرك هذا يا آنخیسس، سأُكون زوجتك الشرعية، و سأهبك أطفالًا رائعين. ولكن بمجرد أن أشار إلى هذا و أخبرني إياه، عاد على الفور، قاتل أرغوس القوي، إلى مجموعة الآلهة الخالدون. ها أنا جئت إليك، و في داخلي رغبة جامحة بل ضرورة مطلقة. أتوسل إليك بحق زيوس، و والديك النبلاء، أناشدك وأنا ألمس ركبتيك. يجب أن يكون والداك نبيلان، لأنه لا يمكن لأبوين عاديين أن ينجبوا مثلك. خذني اﻵن، عذراء بلا تجربة في ممارسة الحب، وأرني لوالدك وأمك الحاضنة (أو الحذرة أو الحريصة) وإخوتك من نفس الصلب. لن أكون صهرًا غير لائقة لهم، بل محببة. هيّا أرسل رسولًا إلى الفريجيين مدربي الخيول السريعة، ليخبر والدي وأمي الحزينة؛ و سيرسلون لك ذهبا وافرا ومنسوجات وهدايا كثيرة رائعة. خذ هذه الأشياء الفخمة و الفاخرة كمهر. بعد أن تقوم بذلك، قم بإعداد وليمة زفاف جميلة مشرفة للبشر و الخالدين ".

بعدما نطقت بذلك، وضعت الإلهة شهوة حلوة في قلبه، فتملك الحب قلب آنخیسس فنطق قائلاً:

"إذا كنتِ بشرًا وامرأة كانت الأم التي ولدتك، و أوتريوس ذائع الصيت هو والدك كما تقولين، وإذا أتيت إلى هنا بإرادة هيرميز المرشد الخالد لتكوني زوجتي دائمًا، فلن يكبحني لا إله خالد ولا إنسان فاني عن معاشرتك الآن؛ لا، حتى و لو أبولو (أفولون) نفسه تصدى من قوسه الفضي وأطلق سهامه جالبة البؤس (أو الخراب). يا سيدتي شبيهة الآلهة، سأذهب عن طيب خاطر إلى قصر هيديس أدناه، بعدما أكون في سريرك (أو أشاركك فراشك)".

كذلك قال ثم أخذها من يدها. و رافقته، أفروديتي المحبة للضحك (أو محبة الابتسامات) وهي مبعدة وجهها و مسدلة (أو مسبلة أو مخفضة) عينيها الجميلتين، إلى الأريكة محسنة التنضيد (أو المنضدة جيدًا) والتي جُهزت للبطل (أو البعل) بأفضل الأغطية الناعمة؛ وعليها جلود دببة و ضراغم شديدة الزئير قتلها بنفسه على سفوح أعالي الجبال. وعندما صعدا إلى السرير المتين، خلع آنخیسس أولاً مجوهراتها البراقة من على جسدها، من دبابيس و بروشات و قلائد و أقراط لامعة على شكل أزهار. ثم فك حزام خصرها و جردها من ثيابها المتألقة، و وضعهم على مقعد مرصع بالفضة. ثم بمشيئة الآلهة و القدر رقد مع الخالدة، فانٍ نائمٌ بجانب السرمدية و لم يك يعي فعله.

و عندما صار وقت عودة الرعاة بماشيتهم و أغنامهم المتينة إلى الحظيرة من المراعي المزهرة، وضعت أفروديتي نوم حلو و ممتع في آنخيسيس بينما ارتدت ثيابها الفاخرة و غطت جسدها مرة أخرى.

بعدما لبست الإلهة اللامعة (أو المتألقة) ثيابها و أعادت تزيين جسدها، وقفت بجانب الأريكة، فوصل رأسها إلى شعاع السقف المشيّد جيدًا. وأشرق وأشرق الجمال من خديها، جمال سماوي (أو إلهي أو خالد) يميز كثيريا ذات أكاليل الزهور الجميلة. ثم أيقظته من نومه ونادت عليه قائلة: "قم يا ابن دردانوس! لماذا تنام بعمق؟ انظر إذا ما كنت أبدو لك كما بديت لعينيك أول مرة."

كذلك قالت، و هو للتو مستيقظ من نومه، فأصغى إليها و أطاعها. و بمجرد أن رأى رقبة أفروديتي و عينيها الجميلتين، امتلأ رعباً و غض بصره عنها فورًا، مخفيًا وجهه الوسيم بِبُردته. ثم مصليًا لها أنشد ببلاغة:

"أيتها الإلهة، مذ أن وقعت عيناي عليكِ، عرفت أنك خالدة؛ إلا أنك لم تصدقي القول معي. بجاه زيوس ذو الأيغيس، ألمس ركبتيك و أتوسل إليك، لا تصيبيني بالشلل و لا تذريني أعيش بذل بين البشر، أرجوكِ ارحميني؛ لأن من يضطاجع إلهة خالدة ليس بالرجل السليم بعدها".

This post isn't about who the God of Islam is, which is clearly a monotheistic Abrahamic god. This post is about the use of the term Allāh among pre-Islamic pagans.

The name allāh is found in pre-Islamic pagan inscriptions, there is no doubt about it. Arab Christians from the 1st to 4th centuries used the word al-ilāh (the god) to refer to their monotheistic deity, not allāh. Christians do begin using al-ilāh and allāh interchangeably later on in the 6th century as seen in the poetry of al-Nābigha al-Dhubyānī and ʿAmr ibn al-Ḥārith. The Nabataeans often referred to their main deity Ḏušarē simply as *ʾlhʾ (*the god) and so allāh being a contraction of al-ilāh used as an epithet that replaced a respective deity’s proper name is the most likely answer. Thus, we can ask a different question. What did the word allāh mean to the pre-Islamic Arabs? Allāh meant the god. The main god, whether that be of the Christians or Pagans. That seems to be the most likely answer; that allāh is a contracted form of the word al-ilāh.

However, Allāh is sometimes used in pagan inscriptions as the name of a particular deity rather than just an epithet/title. In one inscription Allāh and the god Shay al-Qawm are both appealed to for abundance and safety. In another inscription, Allāh is paired with Ruḍā. Here we see allāh clearly being used as a proper name and not just an epithet that implies one deity was superior to others. We even see Allāh being paired with Allāt. So who was Allāh to the pagan Arabs? Allāh seems to be whichever principal deity was being worshipped locally. If this is correct, then in Dedan, it was Ḏul Ɣaybat. In the Nabatean context, it was Ḏušarē. In the Meccan context...well it gets a bit more complicated. Allāh is mentioned in pre-Islamic poetry as a creator deity even by apparently pagan poets, which is inline with Islamic tradition. There seems to be an acceptance of the idea of divine creation, both of the cosmos as a whole and of humans specifically by at least some pagan poets, although not always explicitly mentioning Allāh. Safaitic inscriptions also ask Allāh to grant rain, and in poetry as well, or he is credited with having already done so. And although some scholars suggest that Allāh may have represented a remote creator god, pre-Islamic poetry suggests that he was very much involved in human affairs, both by granting favours and by being destructive and threatening. In a poem boasting about a successful raid by his tribe the poet says: "the order of Allāh is irresistible and the wicked are rendered miserable by it." In poetry Allāh seems to be the ultimate origin and allocator of fate.

A lot of pre-Islamic poetry mentions al-ilāh (the god), al-raḥmān (the Merciful) and al-rabb (the Lord) as a deity. These are epithets and it's not always clear if the poet was pagan or not. There's also the question of the authenticity of these poems since they were written down ~200-300 years after they were first recited. Scribes may have censored pagan themes or altered the wording or straight up made some of these up. Although sometimes we do see mentions of pagan deities such as Allat and Wadd. It's also important to consider that some of these poets actually later converted to Islam, and of course they continued writing poetry but now with a new monotheistic worldview. Even when it comes to poets who were presumably pagan, many poems were recited to Christian kings such as the poems pronounced by ʿĀmir ibn al-Ṭufayl at the court of Nuʿmān III. He probably would have given his poems a Christian bent to please the Lakhmid king.

Epiphanius of Salamis talks about the birth of Dushara from a virgin (Panarion 4th century AD) and some scholars have concluded that the figurines could represent Al-‘Uzza and Her son Dushara, although this suggestion was not adopted by other scholars. Its more likely that Epiphanius's account is of Dushara and His mother Allat, not Al-'Uzza, since Allat was given the epithet "Mother of Gods" and Al-'Uzza seems to be Dushara's consort, not mother. That being said, here is Epiphanius's report: "The leaders of the idolaters … in many places hold a great feast on the very night of Epiphany… First of all, in Alexandria they hold festival in what is called the Coreum, which is a great temple, namely the sacred precinct of Core. They stay awake the whole night singing hymns to the idol to the accompaniment of flutes. They keep it up the entire night, and after cockcrow torchbearers descend into an underground shrine and bring up a wooden statue seated naked on a litter… They carry the statue in a circle seven times around the very center of the temple to the accompaniment of flutes, kettledrums, and hymns and thus reveling carry it back down to the place underground. Asked what the rite means, they say: Today at this hour Core (meaning the virgin) engendered Aeon. This is also done in the city of Petra ... in the temple of the idol there. They sing hymns to the virgin in Arabic, calling her in Arabic “Chaamu”, which means Core or “virgin”, and the one born from her “Dusares”…The rite is also performed in the city of Elusa on that night as in Petra and Alexandria."

The festival occurred at the winter solstice on the 6th of January and was celebrated as a mystery in several Mediterranean cultures. The birth of Dushara can be compared with the birth of Jesus as the celebration of the birth of Jesus Christ took place on the 6th of January in the East until Justinian, who in 560 AD urged the Christians in Jerusalem to adopt the earlier Roman date. This brings us back to solar imagery for the cult of Christ was often identified with the Sun among early Christian Arabs; Christ had risen at sunrise and the resurrection was equated with the rising, the second coming was expected from the east, early churches often faced the east. The birth of Mithras also occurred that night. The winter solstice was a birth of light and expressed fertility, the rebirth of vegetation. The continual rebirth of deities makes Them immortal. The concept of rebirth and resurrection was common to many ancient Semitic religions. This was particularly prevalent in Phoenician religion, where it was a part of the cult of Melqart. Melqart was often Hellenized as Adonis, and was related to the ancient Sumerian Dummuzi, biblical Tammuz, where rebirth and resurrection figured highly. Like the mysteries at Eleusis and those of Isis and Osiris the festival must've been a profound experience. Gathering at the temple of Dushara in the evening of the 5th of January, staying the whole night, and singing hymns to the accompaniment of flutes and drums. Perhaps they partook in some entheogens or fasting or perhaps the long hours of singing and music was enough to induce a mystical experience or trance. After many hours, the first light, the Morning Star, and the rising of the sun announces the birth and epiphany of Dushara, indicated also by revealing the baetyl, which then is carried seven times in a circumambulation around the temple to be presented to all worshippers, making the epiphany public.

Alʿuzza is in many ways like Allat. She has the same geographic distribution and She was appropriated by Hellenistic culture in the same way. She even shows up with Allat in South Arabian amulets. Alʿuzza's name means "the Mighty One." She was a major goddess in the Nabataean pantheon and She was known as the goddess of Bosra. However, She's never invoked with Allat in Nabataea. In fact, Alʿuzza isn't found in Hegra, the Hejazi center of the Nabataeans, while Allat isn't found in Petra. Alʿuzza was also popular in the Sinai while Allat was not. This lead some scholars to believe that Alʿuzza was originally a title for Allat and later split into a separate deity. Another theory is that Allat was the goddess of the Safaitic-writing Bedouin while Alʿuzza is the goddess of the Nabataeans. Alʿuzza is found in the theophoric names of Safaitic-writing Bedouin but they don't invoke her in prayers. When the Nabataeans took over the northern Hejaz they adopted Allat, the local goddess, instead of exporting Alʿuzza to the region. Alʿuzza was worshipped in Dedan, however, so Her worship did spread to the Hejaz and even further to South Arabia.

This complexity might be ironed out when looking at Hellenistic syncretism. In bilingual and in Greek sources Allat is associated with Athena/Minerva while Alʿuzza is associated with Aphrodite/Venus. Earrings found in the Nabataean city of Memphis were matched with the imagery of Alʿuzza baetyls which were matched with jewellery of Aphrodite. In the region north of Nabataea Alʿuzza found her counterpart in Aphrodite and even the Egyptian goddess Isis, but there's no evidence that Hellenization made it to the Arabian peninsula so this association with Aphrodite or Isis may not have reached that far south. However, John of Damascus considered the stone at the Ka'ba to be the head of Aphrodite.

Because of Her association with Aphrodite/Venus some have thought that She was a deified form of the planet Venus. We do have Christian Syriac sources talking about Arabs worshipping Venus in the Sinai where Alʿuzza was popular. Although the cult of Venus might encompass all three goddesses, Allat, Manat and Alʿuzza. The problem with this, however, is that we'd have to mostly rely on non-Arabian and even non-Pagan sources. Inscriptions in Ancient North Arabian and Old South Arabian do not link her to Venus. Turning to the South Arabian pantheon, a pantheon which is largely astral and included Alʿuzza, Venus was represented by the male god ʿAthtar, not by the goddess Alʿuzza, and in pre-Islamic poetry Venus is taken to be masculine. Regardless of any connection to Venus or lack thereof, Alʿuzza was a chief goddess worshipped by many in the Hellenized Levant, Nabataea, Hejaz and in South Arabia. She was syncretized with Aphrodite/Venus which is related to the Mesopotamian Inana/Ishtar and Canaanite Astarte.

"They believe in no other gods except Dionysus and the Heavenly Aphrodite; and they say that they wear their hair as Dionysus does his, cutting it round the head and shaving the temples. They call Dionysus, Orotalt; and Aphrodite, Alilat." - Herodotus, Histories, Book 3, Ch. 8

There have been many theories regarding who Oratalt referred to. Perhaps Ḏušarē, Ruḍā, a corruption of Allāh ta'āla. His name may mean “the fire of God,” ôrath êl. But this post will focus on the second deity, Alilat, more commonly known as Allāt. She is by far the best attested deity in ancient Arabia across various languages and locations. Her name might be written as Lt, 'lt, 'llt, Hn' lt or Ltn. She was sometimes worshipped alongside two other goddesses, Manāt and Alʿuzza. Allāt means "the goddess" but it's clear that it was treated as a proper name very early on as seen in Herodotus, who was writing in the 5th century BC describing events that happened in the 6th century BC.

After the 5th century BC, evidence of her worship is widespread. She's attested as far south as modern Yemen up to the Hejaz, as far north as Syria and Mesopotamia and in the Roman era as far west as Cordoba, Spain. She was worshipped in the Nabatean kingdom, Palmyra and Hatra. She's considered the consort of Ḏušarē. In fact, it's possible they represented the only deities of the Nabatean pantheon. With all other deities simply being attributes of the god and goddess. In this sense the Nabateans weren't polytheists, but dualists, like some Wiccans today. This is also supported by the Herodotus quote above. But this doesn't mean all Arabs were dualists, polytheism is very clearly attested in epigraphy and the archeological record. It's just one understanding of Nabatean religion. In this view, Manāt and Alʿuzza are just local manifestations or attributes of Allāt which were later split into distinct goddesses.

Regardless of a polytheistic or dualist worldview, it’s clear that Allāt played a major role in the Nabatean and other Arabian pantheons. She was regarded as the mother of other gods, worshipped in the legendary city of Iram and was the patron-deity of Bosra. In the Hellenistic era She took up the iconography of Athena/Minerva. The name Wahballāt (gift of Allāt) was often translated into Greek as Gift of Athena. Herodotus associates Her with Aphrodite Urania (Heavenly Aphrodite) and this stellar aspect is reflected in Palmyra where Arab families would sometimes invoke their patron deity as Allāt, and sometimes as Astarte. She's best attested in Safaitic inscriptions where She's the most frequently invoked deity.

In these Safaitic inscriptions the author would write their name, address the deity, and then request something such as safety, relief, or wealth. Allāt was mostly invoked for safety and security, such as when herding goats, or for relief from sickness. Unlike in the Nabatean pantheon where gods were referred to as the gods of the king, Allāt is a personal deity. She was invoked for day-to-day requests by Arab nomads. Further south in Dedan, the center of the Lihyanite kingdom, Allāt was secondary to the main deity, Ḏul Ɣaybat, and found in personal names. The fact that She's not as well attested in Dedan might mean that She was introduced from the north. She's also found in Duma and in Thamudic inscriptions scattered around the Arabian peninsula. In South Arabia, amulets belonging to women inscribed with the name Allat and sometimes along with Alʿuzza suggests that these two goddesses were patron-protectors of women.

To summarise, Allāt is attested as early as the 5th century BC. From then on Her worship is found in the kingdoms of Nabataea, Palmyra and Hatra, and in the Arabian and Syrian deserts. She was most popular among Arab nomads who used the Safaitic script. Although first equated with Aphrodite Urania by Herodotus she would later take up the iconography of Athena in Romanized areas. She's often associated with two other goddesses, Manāt and Alʿuzza, who may have once been Her attributes, and the god Ḏušarē who's considered Her consort. She's also regarded as the mother of gods. She's called upon for day-to-day requests such as safety, security, and relief, and along with Alʿuzza she was a patron-protector of women.

Introduction

Divination is an important ritual. In South Arabia this was done by first presenting an offering to the sacrificial altar and then asking the oracle. The oracle would deliver a reply inspired by ʿAṯtar, probably in a trance state, and finally one would offer a thanksgiving sacrifice after they received the response. This ritual included the libation of the sacrifice's blood, turning towards corresponding pillars three times, and bowing down while turning three times as well. The oracle wasn't consulted at random but at certain days of certain months which are carefully specified on which the ceremonies took place. Sometimes no reply was given so the sacrifice will have to be repeated or one would have to increase the number or value of offerings.

The Ecstatic and Astrological Divination of the Kāhins

The Ancient Arabs had a developed astrology and foretold the future by the stars. Astrology is also found in pre-Islamic poetry. The poet Ta’abbata Sharran felt that he was guided by the Milky Way galaxy. Abīd ibn al-’Abras mentioned “the Pleiades bringing evil fortune and good”:

And there shall surely come after me generations unnumbered, That shall pasture the precipices of Aikah and Ladud

And the Sun shall rise, and the night shall eclipse it, And the Pleiades shall circle bringing evil fortune and good

Another way of foretelling the future was through the ecstatic experiences practiced by kāhins. Ibn Hishām tells us of a famous kāhin in Yemen: "The people assembled at the foot of the mountain. The kāhin himself was on the alp. As soon as the sun raised he went down the descent and reclining to his bow continued to stay having turned his face toward the rising sun. After standing a time he began jumping..."

We don't know much about the kāhins but the story as a whole, with the mountain, jumping, and the use of a bow, suggests that this was some sort of ecstatic experience or mystical ascension. But this topic needs more comprehensive study. There's also the issue of the scarcity of direct evidence of the spiritual life of pre-Islamic Arabian society. Because of this, I encourage modern practitioners to allow themselves to be more eclectic and synchronistic when it comes to divination and find inspiration in traditions that are better preserved.

Astrology and Divine Ascent

The ancient Arabs travelled at night to protect themselves from the Sun and to navigate using the stars. This made them develop astrological notions such as the deification of the sun, moon and stars. Some astral gods had their analogues in the mythological systems of other Semitic peoples. Due to the developed totemic notions of the Arabs, the astral gods had holy animals as well. For example, the oryx was a sacred animal for ʿAṯtart (عثترة) the goddess of Venus.

In one of the mu‘allaqa poems by 'Imru’ al-Qays, we see the stars tied by hemp ropes to the top of a rock:

Oh long night, dawn will come, but will be no brighter without my love. You are a wonder, with its stars held up as by ropes of hemp to a solid rock.

The Arabs were aware of the archetypes of the ladder and rope and the myths about ascension to the heavens. In the poem of Zuhayr ibn Abi Sulmā, the ladder is a tool of rising to the heavens in order to escape from the claws of death:

He who dreads the causes of death will be caught by them. Even if he ascend the heavens with a ladder.

The rock in the mu‘allaqa of ’Imru’ al-Qays symbolises the cosmic mountain. The hemp ropes tying the rock with the stars are the means of ascension. These symbolical images are used in the depiction of night, which alludes to ignorance, evil and darkness. The rope tying the rock and stars is the road to light and truth. This represents ancient ideas about the initial primordial union between the earth and the heavens and they're being expressed with the archetypes of the rock (mountain), stars and ropes.

Qedar, a tribe or confederation which existed between about the 8th to 5th centuries BC, is only scantily understood, but may in fact be the first known exercise in Arab history in forging a unity larger than the kinship-based tribe. This unity was formed around a center of cultic pilgrimage and worship; Dumat, in the north of the peninsula, sacred to a number of tribes. It became the seat of their confederation and the base of their religion. Later on other centers of pilgrimage would be founded such as Sia', Khirbet Et-Tannur, Mecca and Petra. The Gods worshipped at Dumat are mentioned in the Esarhaddon Prism from the 7th century BC:

For the return of his gods he prayed me and I showed him favor and the gods Atarsamain, Dai, Nuhai, Ruldaiu, Abirillu, Atarkuruma, the gods of the Arabians, their ruined [effigies] I restored and the might of Ashur, my lord, and the writing of my name upon them I wrote and gave them back to him.

The reduced phonology of Akkadian resulted in loss of information when the deities' names were transliterated. Therefore reconstructing the original Arabic names can be tricky and error prone.

The worship of Atarsamain was widespread among Arab tribes except in Nabataea. Atarsamain ("Morning Star of Heaven" عثتر سمين), which I will now call by the more accurate Arabic ʿAṯtart Samay (عثترة السمي/السماء), is associated with Venus. Some have proposed that Athtart Samay could be equivalent to Allat but this identification is difficult because under Hellenistic influence Allāt was identified with Athena/Minerva and not Aphrodite/Venus. But before the Hellenistic era Herodotus does identify Her with Aphrodite: "They believe in no other gods except Dionysus and the Heavenly Aphrodite... They call Dionysus, Orotalt; and Aphrodite, Alilat." (Histories, Book 3) Herodotus also associates Astarte with Heavenly Aphrodite saying: "The great goddess (Mother of Heaven and Earth) worshipped by Eastern nations under various names—Mylitta in Assyria, Astarte in Phoenicia: called Heavenly Aphrodite, or simply the Heavenly One, by the Greeks." (Histories, Book 1) The identification of Allāt with Astarte and thus Heavenly Aphrodite is found in Palmyra where Arab families would sometimes invoke their patron deity as Allāt, and sometimes as Astarte/Ishtar.

The worship of a Venusian deity by Arabs is further confirmed by the remark of Jerome that Saint Hilarion "arrived at Elusa on the very day that a solemn festival had brought all the people of the town to the temple of Venus; for the Saracens worship this Goddess as the Morning Star and their race is dedicated to Her cult." The Arabs also worshipped a male deity associated with Venus known as Azizos/ʿAziz. ʿAziz was identified as Ares by emperor Julian in his work 'Hymn to King Helios'. He says: "The inhabitants of Emesa, a place from time immemorial sacred to Helios, associate with Helios in their temples Monimos and Azizos. Iamblichus, from whom I have taken this and all besides, a little from a great store, says that the secret meaning to be interpreted is that Monimos is Hermes and Azizos Ares, the assessors of Helios, who are the channel for many blessings to the region of our earth." This might explain why Allāt was identified with Athena instead of Aphrodite in the Hellenistic era; the Arabs understood the personification of Venus to have a warrior aspect. It also explains what happened to Athtart Samay, She was simply referred to as "the Goddess" which is what Allat means.

The second deity mentioned is Da'y (دأي، أي الغراب) most likely to mean crow. Da'y occurs only three times in personal names in Sabaean inscriptions and is a bird deity according to Knauf. They occur in the names hyt'd'y and whbd'y, the latter following the same formula found in the name WahbAllat. The terms d'y and d'yt are also found in Safaitic inscriptions in Wadi Ramm and in Qatabanian inscriptions where d'yn seems to be a clan name. Its difficult to say anything about the nature of this God. Nuha is mentioned in inscriptions found in the vicinity of Dumat, written in a similar language and script to those of Tayma, which offer prayers to Nuha and a number of divinities. One requests "help in the matter of my love" from Ruḍaw, Nuha and ʿAṯtart Samay, all three known to the Assyrians as Gods of Qedar. None are dated, but they most likely belong to the period of Qedar’s prosperity in the 8th to 5th centuries BC. In Nejd we have inscriptions that point out that emotions are a gift of the Gods, some from Nuha and Ruḍaw: "by Nuha is the flying into a rage", "by Nuha is the jealousy of a lover", "by Ruḍaw is weeping." The name Nuha/NHY seems to mean "the wise" or "the ultimate." One early Thamudic B inscription mentions Nuha with the epithet "the elevated sun" thus Nuha could be associated with the Sun. The word could, however, also refer to a divinity connected with a special kind of wisdom. In the Old Testament there are traditions of wisdom in Teman, which may be a region south of Edom, such as Tayma, and Nuha could have some connection with these traditions.

Ruldaiu, could be identified with the god Orotalt mentioned by Herodotus. The theory goes that at the time of Herodotus (5th century BC) the ض in Ruldaiu/Ruḍaw was pronounced by Greeks as Rodl which then became Rodal then Rotal and finally Orotalt. Ruḍaw appears together with Allāt in Thamudic B and Safaitic inscriptions. In the latter, Allāt and Ruḍaw appear together as the main divinities, invoked more than any other deity, and invoked together frequently. Interestingly, Ruḍaw is absent from Hismaic, Dadanitic and Nabataean inscriptions and is not associated with Allāt in Thamudic B inscriptions, this is perhaps because Allāt was called by Her original name, Athtart Samay. Ruḍaw's identification with Dionysus by Herodotus is a clue to the nature of His cult among the Arabs. According to Herodotus, the Arabian Dionysus had his hair cropped. This is a ceremony performed on bridegrooms in many parts of the Middle East to this day, and its also well documented among modern Bedouin as an initiation into adulthood. Its likely that the cropping of hair, like circumcision, originally belonged to the rites of puberty, wedding and entrance into adult society. Dionysus was not only the god of wine, there is also a myth about his birth. The story of Dionysus’ second birth from the thigh of Zeus hints at an initiation ritual, and it might have a connection with the Sacred Band of Thebes. This makes the connection between Arabs and Dionysus more understandable and it should be kept in mind that the role of Dionysus as the God of wine isn't a complete picture of his true nature in the 5th century BC.

Ḏušarē was also associated with Dionysus. Knauf assumes that Ruḍaw and Ḏušarē were two names for the same God but Ḏušarē's connection to Dionysus has more to do with Dionysus as a vegetation God while Ruḍaw's/Oratalt's identification with Dionysus has more to do with Dionysus as an initiatory God. Additionally, the two Gods are linked to different locations. Ḏušarē, as the name suggests, was linked to the Shara (Seir) mountain range and was also called the "God of Gaia," Gaia being an area in modern-day Wadi Musa. Dushara was also said to be mn rqm "from Petra," while Ruḍaw was given the epithet "from Chaldea." Here we seem to have two cults, that of Dushara and Alʿuzza in the core Nabataean area and that of Ruḍaw and Allat. Ruḍaw's cult originated in the southern extremity of Babylon, where Arab settlements are reported in cuneiform sources, and later spread to Dumat. In Dumat, Ruḍaw became associated with ʿAṯtart Samay and understood to be Her father, and the cult further spread around the region, particularly to the Hawran. The astral significance of ʿAṯtart Samay may also imply that Ruḍaw was also astral and some have proposed a connection between Ruḍaw and the divine astral pair ʿZZ/ʿAziz/Azizos and 'RSW/Arsu/MNʿM/Munʿim/Monimos found in Palmyra and Emesa. Here Ruḍaw is identified as Arsu/Munʿim and would be paired with ʿAziz, representing the evening and morning stars respectively. It thus seems that the Arabs were linked to the cults in Syria through the God Ruḍaw as the guardian of ceremonies of initiation and passing from one state to another. The Arabs were also linked to the cults in Mesopotamia with Ruḍaw and Allat paralleling Ishtar and Sin.

The Islamic tradition is ignorant of Ruḍaw's nature. We are told that "Ruḍaw" belonged to the clan of Rabfa bin Saʿd of Tamim. Verses are given attributed to a certain Mustawghir of this clan referring his "destruction of Ruḍaw." The importance of Ruḍaw's cult is indirectly stressed by Al-Mustawghir's rage, though the idea of the Muslim tradition being a reliable reference point to inscriptions has been challenged. We are further told that "some of the narrators" have reported that Ruḍaw was a sanctuary or stele (baeytl). Ruḍaw seems to play no part in the stories about Muhammad or the "jahiliyya" and little can be gleaned from the verses about Ruḍaw's nature. It is not obvious whether "Ruḍaw" in Islamic-period texts refers to a deity, a sanctuary, a statue or even a person. It seems unlikely that Ruḍaw was actually worshipped on the even of Islam and inscriptions in West Arabia written in the centuries prior to Islam show no trace of Ruḍaw's cult and he is not mentioned in the Quran. There is nothing to suggest the survival of Ruḍaw's worship past the 4th century AD. There is, in fact, no evidence of any sort of paganism surviving past the 5th century in the epigraphic record. It is of course possible that Ruḍaw remained venerated among marginal groups who did not write any inscriptions, or none that we've found yet.

Full article: http://www.arabianpaganism.faith/wiki/The_Pantheon_of_Qedar

Priests and priestesses are the guardians of the gods and goddesses’ interests, protectors of their temples and sacred areas, supervisors of offerings, sacrifices, weddings, births, funerals, ceremonies and rituals, and mediators between gods and worshippers. They were exorcists, oracles, healers, bankers, archivists and writers and readers of hymns and poems. Although no Safaitic inscription discovered so far indicates that sacrifice in the wilderness required the officiation of a priest, if we take the texts at face value, sacrifice among nomads was performed by the worshippers directly as individual acts of devotion or involving a small number of people. Sacrifice in temples, however, probably did require a priest. The temple itself was pretty self-sufficient being a commercial center, archive, as well as the home of the priests with its own source of water as seen in Khirbet Et-Tannur, a Nabataean temple. Sacred areas out in the open such as high places, groves and springs don't necessarily need to be staffed but at many there would be a guardian such as a palm grove mentioned by Diodorus that was "in the care of a man and a woman who hold the sacred office for life" and also in the case of a mountain where a cult statue was set up and a "priest (sacerdos) also lives there, and he wears a dalmatic and linen cloak" according to Antoninus Placentinus.

Priests in Arabia appear under many different titles which may mean these are ranks in a hierarchy, different roles, or regional variations. These include kāhin, kamar or kumra, rabb, sadin, passim and afkal. In the Hejaz, afkal was the usual term, in the Sinai and Hisma region it was kāhin, in southern Syria it was kumra, and in the caravan cities of Palmyra and Hatra it was passim. Afkal comes from the Akkadian apkallu meaning wise or sage and its found in the Hejaz and Sinai peninsula. This was probably the highest authority if these titles were ranks and not just regional variation because the builders of a sanctuary at Wadi Ramm call themselves the servants of the afkal. Priestesses were known in Arabia, the most famous being Zarqah Al-Yamama.

Although a kāhin seems to be a priest like the others mentioned above as seen in ancient inscriptions which mention a kāhin of Allat in Ramm and a kāhin of Al-'Uzza in the Sinai, in Islamic-period texts the kāhin was a seer, oracle, and dream interpreter who used the aid of jinn. The title and the function are cognate with those of the ancient Hebrew kohen, their ability to divine what others could not perceive came from their tendency to be alone in wild places, to spend a lot of time in reflection, and to view the world with ‘the eye of enlightenment’ according to the historian al-Mas’udi. In addition, al-Mas’udi says, many of them were physically deformed, and made up in spirit for what they lacked in body: the celebrated legendary kāhin Satih, for example, supposedly had no bones in his body, and could be ‘rolled up like a gown’. When Mohammad first started experiencing his so-called revelation he suspected he was turning into a kāhin and to show why its enough to compare an oath of the kāhin Al-Khuza'i with an early chapter of the Quran:

أحلف بالنور والظلمة، وما بتهامة من بهمة ، وما بنجد من أكمة ، لقد خبأتم لي أطباق جمجمة، مع الفلندح أبي همهمة

قالوا: أصبت فاحكم بين هاشم بن عبد مناف وبين أمية بن عبد شمس أيهما أشرف

فقال: والقمر الباهر، والكوكب الزاهر، والغمام الماطر، وما بالجو من طائر، وما اهتدى بعلم مسافر، منجد أوغائر، لقد سبق هاشم أمية إلى المفاخر، أول منها وآخر

I swear by the light and the darkness, and by the boulders in Tihama, and by the hills in Najd, you have hidden for me plates of wooden cups, with Al-Falandah Abi Humaya.

So they said: You are right. So judge between Hashim bin Abd Manaf and Umayyah bin Abd Shams, which of them is more honorable?

He answered: By the moon that shines brightly, by the star that shows clearly, by the clouds that give rain, by all the birds in the air, by who is guided by the knowledge of a traveler, by the savior or attacker, Hashem has preceded Umayyah in feats, the first and the last

Now the first few verses of Surah Ash-Shams:

وَٱلشَّمْسِ وَضُحَىٰهَا, وَٱلْقَمَرِ إِذَا تَلَىٰهَا, وَٱلنَّهَارِ إِذَا جَلَّىٰهَا, وَٱلَّيْلِ إِذَا يَغْشَىٰهَا

By the sun and its forenoon brightness, by the moon when it follows it, by the day revealing it, by the night veiling it

Later, however, Mohammad tried to distance himself from the kāhin's rhyming speech (سجع الكهان). But linguistically the Quran is uttered in the same high Arabic language that the rhymed speech of the seers and oracles shared with their poetry. The fact that Mohammad feared he was "turning into" a kāhin tells us a lot about what it was like to become one. Parallels can be drawn with how one would become a shaman among the Yurak of Siberia. Toward the approach of maturity the shamanic candidate begins to have visions, sings in his sleep, likes to wander in solitude, and so on; after this incubation period he attaches himself to a senior shaman to be taught. Among the Kazakh and Kyrgyz there's the baqça, a singer, poet, musician, diviner, priest, and doctor, who appears to be the guardian of religious traditions. We must not take these comparisons too far, however, because these are unrelated traditions, because we know very little about how one was initiated into kāhinhood, and in order to not conflate kāhins with shamans who may have completely different religious roles.

Sources:

• The Religion and Rituals of the Nomads of Pre-Islamic Arabia
• ‘Kamkam the Nabataean Priestess
• Arabia and the Arabs
• Arabs: A 3000 Year History

Who do you worship and through what framework? Are you a pagan or something else? Personally I am a Norse Heathen. At the moment I worship the Norse deities and I worship my ancestors and local wights through a Heathen format. I do have syncretist leanings and for some time have felt a calling towards a couple of Roman and Greek gods. However all my worship is done and will continue to be done through a Heathen format for the foreseeable future.

What about you? What does your faith look like? Or do you lack a faith? I am interested to know!